Begging to be goed : Voicing discrimination in multilingual and multiethnic Netherlands

This paper explores political discourse on two public issues involving discrimination in the Netherlands, centred on the terms Kutmarokkanen and Zwarte Piet. The paper discusses the Bakhtinian polyphony of different ‘voices’ in the public debates surrounding these issues: the voices of those protesting because they experience discrimination, the voices of those defending or justifying it, the voices in the press or in academic discourse describing it, and the voices of the government and politicians. What are the terms used and the underlying concepts or attitudes? The argument presented in analysing these voices centres around the idea that the sharp moral distinction between goed/fout ‘good’/‘wrong’ in Dutch public consciousness makes it difficult for the Dutch people to look at themselves objectively and critically examine their own concepts of society and those of their fellow citizens with different backgrounds.


Introduction
In this paper, I want to begin to explore the many voices surrounding discrimination in my country: the voices of those protesting because they experience it, the voices of those defending or justifying it, the voices in the press or in academic discourse describing it, and an abstract moral voice.
Discrimination has been around as long as we can remember, and has received academic attention from time to time in the Netherlands (a key publication was Bovenkerk 1978); although less from linguists (an early exception was Muysken 1984).It has recently regained the public's attention, albeit in a highly politicised way.Some of these debates should be viewed against the background of broader European or even global developments.However, they are locally structured; embedded in national traditions and involving (Dutch) language-specific vocabulary.That is why I limit my discussion to the situation in the Netherlands.
Since the topic is vast, I focus on two key terms used in these debates: Kutmarokkanen (lit.'cunt Moroccans') and Zwarte Piet ('black Pete').Methodologically, I draw primarily upon a detailed analysis of some of the terms and concepts used in these debates.However, my argument requires an initial step in setting the context for my argument: morality, and the Dutch notions of goed 'good' and fout 'wrong'.To briefly sketch the argument I would like to make, much of the Dutch debate about discrimination is based on the implicit premise of a three-step reasoning process: (i) Discrimination is fout.(ii) I am goed.(iii) Therefore, I do not discriminate and need not reflect upon the language I use.This is basically the same argument that the Dutch cultural analyst Gloria Wekker (2002) has presented in terms of cognitive dissonance.
I have kept the discussion that follows fairly parochial and Dutch, since my point is specific to the Dutch. 1 To do justice to the phenomena described here on a European or a global level would require an entire book or series of books.The paper finds its theoretical embedding of the issues discussed here particularly in Reisigl & Wodak (2001). 2 Reisigl and Wodak (2001:xiii) differentiate between five types of strategies that can be distinguished in the critical discourse analysis of voices of discrimination in public discourse: Referential strategies: how are targets of discrimination referred to? (ii) Predicational strategies: what is being said of them?(iii) Argumentation strategies / fallacies: what kinds of arguments are brought to bear on this issue (often fallacious)?(iv) Perspectivization and framing strategies: how are the statements framed?(v) Mitigation and intensification strategies: by what means are statements mitigated or intensified?
Here, I go one step further than Reisigl and Wodak (2001) do, in that not just one voice (in their case, that of the right-wing politician Jörg Haider) is analysed, but a series of different 'voices' in the public debates surrounding these issues: the voices of those protesting because they experience discrimination, the voices of those defending or justifying it, the voices in the press or in academic discourse describing it, and the voices of the government and politicians.
The juxtaposition of these voices leads to a polyphony or even cacophony of conflicting noises, which, in Bakhtin's terms, becomes a single heteroglossic narrative.In the middle of it, the debates sound like a set of strictly opposing perspectives; but seen from a distance, these debates become more like a heteroglossic novel (Bakhtin 1981, 1994).In Bakhtin's view, the power of good narratives comes precisely from the opposition between different voices, different types of speech.The different perspectives lead to a stratified diversity of voices, but, in the case to be discussed, are linked to the frame that the participants in the debate are overwhelmingly goed.It is high time to explore this notion of goed further.
1 I have even ignored the parallel developments in the Dutch-speaking part of Belgium, which in many ways has its own dynamics, including the language struggle (Taalstrijd) with the French part of Belgium.It is also tantalizing to compare the Dutch situation to that of Germany, where the feeling of moral superiority, of being goed, is absent (and the tone of the debate is totally different); as well as to the situations in Austria and Switzerland.Muysken & Rott (2013) make a beginning in discussing some of the issues involved.
2 These scholars are well-known to Christine Anthonissen, to whom this essay is respectfully dedicated.This essay owes much to Thomas Mijnders of the Stedelijk Gymnasium Johan van Oldenbarnevelt in Amersfoort, who, in just a few days as an intern, did many of the Internet searches and helped to organise my thoughts and the material.

Goed and fout
Even though only a minority of the population of the Netherlands acknowledges being religious and can be described as being Calvinist in denomination, Calvinism has played an important role in shaping the national consciousness.Part of this involves drawing rather sharp moral boundaries, in spite of the Dutch people's 'liberal' self-image.There is goed, and there is fout.
My story will start in the Second World War.Powerless in the face of the ruthlessand surprisingly successful and efficientcapture, deportation, and subsequent murder of the Netherlands' Jewish population by Nazi commands, which formed part of the German occupying forces, the Dutch did not manage to save their compatriots.Did they look away?Were they cowardly?Not interested?Too much entrenched in bureaucratic practices?
The relatively few individuals that resisted the occupation and tried to save Jewish lives are labelled goed; and those few individuals that lent their support to and overtly collaborated with the occupiers are labelled fout (wrong, mistaken).The majority that simply muddled along during this terrible period liked to think of themselves as goed, with greater or lesser ease.Since 1945, this goed/fout distinction has shaped public discourse and functioned as a moral compass (in Dutch: moreel ijkpunt) for evaluating political stances or potential/imagined stances in hypothetical future contexts.The standard question is: what would you do if somebody asked for shelter in your home from some occupying force?If you are goedand everyone would like to think of themselves in this wayyou would provide shelter.
Goed and fout have remained part of public discourse.If in Britain you say "She did not have a good war", you mean "She experienced terrible things which have affected her ever since".In Dutch, Hij was goed in de oorlog means something very different: "In resisting, he made the right moral choices". 3us, there was a lingering sense of guilt counterbalanced by the desire to be and remain goed.
In addition, there was a sense of victimhood after the deprivations, particularly during the last war years.This balance did not stop the Dutch from entering into a colonial war soon after 1945 to prevent Indonesia from gaining independence.These war activities were termed politionele acties 'policing actions' to stress their legitimacy and incidental nature.The violence and atrocities committed in this period did not really affect the self-image of the Dutch people.A sense of loss of wealth, as in the expression Indië verloren, rampspoed geboren ('Indonesia lost, disaster born'), and victimhood (due to the suffering of the Europeans that spent years in camps run by the Japanese occupying forces) prevailed. 4e subsequent post-war years, roughly 1950-1980, were a period of increasing prosperity and stabilization.There were few large conflicts in which the Netherlands was directly engaged, economic growth allowed poorer citizens to advance economically without major losses to the wealthier citizens, and the environment was not yet an issue.In short, it was easy for most people to be, or at least to feel, goed.Bad things happened, but they were a ver van mijn bed show ('a far from my bed affair'), to use an expression coined much later.First, of course, there was communism; and then in the 1960s and 1970s there was the Vietnam war, dictatorial regimes in South America, and increasing tensions in apartheid South Africa.There were many poor people in the world, but there was consensus or hope that ontwikkelingshulp ('development aid') would remedy this in the foreseeable future.
The Dutch knipperlichtrelatie ('light off and on', to use another more modern expression), or love-hate relationship, with the Afrikaans-speaking population of South Africa requires a separate essay or book.There was great enthusiasm for the Boer cause in the Anglo-Boer war; subsequent feelings of fraternity during the period 1935-1980, indignation about apartheid and some support for the African National Congress (ANC) in the 1970s and 1980s; followed again by new curiosities and loves in the post-apartheid period.Suffice it to say that none of the bad things linked to the apartheid regime posed a threat to the Dutch feeling goed. 5is sense of comfort has changed.A first intimation were the Balkan wars.The Dutch were engaged as a peace-keeping force, but their half-hearted commitmentpartly the result of an unclear command structure without real teethdid not prevent the Bosnian Serbian forces from coldly executing 8,000 Bosnian Muslims meant to be under Dutch protection.The Serbians involved -Milošević, Mladić, and Karadžičcould easily be labelled as fout (and were subsequently brought to trial at the International Tribunal in The Hague); but what about the Dutch?Were they cowards after all, just like they feared they were in the Second World War? Were they goed?I think many people doubt this.But could they have acted differently?
The Balkan wars were the beginning of an era of new moral complexities.Conflicts which had been perceived as something far away suddenly seemed closer to home.The argument I want to make is that the Dutch tradition of 'begging to be goed' (to paraphrase Antjie Krog's (2009) book title) has made it difficult to deal with these new complexities.Complex social problems are automatically reduced to purely moral problems, and are then avoided or trivialized; and this has paralyzed the Dutch people's resolution and impeded adequate self-reflection.In what follows, I illustrate this with reference to two issues debated in the Dutch public domain: Kutmarokkanen and Zwarte Piet.

Kutmarokkanen
Upcoming social-democrat politician and Amsterdam family doctor Rob Oudkerk6 broke the ice in 2002 by publicly using a very pejorative K-word, a prefixed noun (kut 'cunt') with the ethnic label Marokkanen (Moroccans).This prefix had not yet been used in this way in public discourse with respect to Moroccan Dutch people, although it was very common in private conversations.
It should be borne in mind that ethnic groups in the Netherlands are generally labelled using the national origin of their ancestors (a referential strategy in Reisigl and Wodak's framework, with immediate predicational implicatures): No matter how many generations of an immigrant group have lived in the Netherlands (the most extreme case are the Portugese Joden, who had to flee Portugal in 1492 because of the Spanish Inquisition), they are labelled by their country of origin.This betrays a rather essentialist view of identity: it is viewed as something fixed in terms of the geographical origins of one's ancestry, no matter how long one has been away.However, these terms are justified in public discourse in terms of 'ease': "Of course we know that a Marokkaan does not literally live in Morocco, but to say Marokkaanse Nederlander ('Moroccan Dutchman') is deemed such a politically correct mouthful that it sounds stupid".
This use of bare ethnonyms goes together with the quasi-technical term allochtonen, used to refer to people with immigrant ancestry.This term means literally '[from] another earth', as opposed to autochtonen '[from] the same earth'.It started out as a bureaucratic term, and I think few people now realize how its continued use for nth-generation immigrants fixates people in their otherness (another predicational strategy).These terms are important because they also stress that the key properties of the people thus denoted are their roots in other lands and their non-Dutch cultures, rather than the circumstances in which they live in the Netherlands.
Yet another key term in Dutch discourse about immigrants is the opposition wit/zwart ('white'/'black').The general terms wit and zwart are applied not to people, but to schools and neighbourhoods.Thus, a classroom is zwart if, say, more than 20 or 30% of the pupils have an immigrant background.The terms have something to do with skin colour, but not very much, since migrant status (even from light-skinned countries such as Turkey) is the key here.These terms and their common use in any kind of register (including 'neutral' newspaper articles) highlight an invisible line drawn through the social fabric between two kinds of people.
While other groups are also a topic of discussion from time to time, in public discourse, a key target of public indignation are immigrants with a Moroccan background.The context in which they were referred to by the politician Oudkerk was their visibility in police statistics regarding street crime and neighbourhood disturbances.The standard image of Marokkanen involves groups of young males with short hair who cause a nuisance, act aggressively, and want to steal your wallet or smartphone.
There are endless theories regurgitated about the reasons for this supposed behaviouranthropological, psychological, and socialwhich I cannot go into right now.There is also a growing discussion about how justified these stereotypes are, and about the role of the police in their interactions with these supposed criminals.Key elements in many discussions will be presented below.
Recently, another component has been added to these stereotypes.These Marokkanen do not only bother you in the street and want to steal your wallet: they also want to travel to Syria and join the Islamic State to commit atrocities.Thus, the debate about street criminality has become embedded in, linked to, and confused with a discussion about Islam in general.
What ties together the alleged criminal profile and the claims about terrorism is the profound wish for immigrants to not be distinguishable from non-immigrants, which is generally phrased in terms of "integration".
I try to list and discuss some of the key words used in the debate in terms of a number of actors, each with a different voice.In the schema, I have separated policymakers from politicians; but in practice, this turned out to be impossible.Policy and politics are too much intertwined.

Politicians/policymakers
Of course, politicians differ in their terminology, but in the Netherlands, the political spectrum is mostly divided between a supposedly 'neutral' centrist position, and the right-wing, overtly xenophobic position voiced by politician Geert Wilders.The following terms appear in the debate: Integration Integration is taken to be assimilation in the discourse: if only people with immigrant backgrounds would just assimilate!Marokkanenprobleem 9 Moroccan problem In xenophobic discourse, the focus is on 'honesty': just acknowledge that Moroccans are a problem.Cultuur van haat 10 Culture of hatred Muslims are often identified with hatred: 'they' hate 'us' (the West, non-Muslims).Minder Marokkanen 11 Fewer Moroccans Wilders' call for 'fewer Moroccans' in an election night speech may well lead to his conviction in the near future.Immigratie 12 Immigration Limiting immigration will also help 'those who are already here' to assimilate more rapidly.Further immigration only causes more non-integration, which is fout.

The general public and the media
The discussion on this topic in Internet fora etc. is vast and cannot possibly be presented here.
As in many other countries, social media function as a garbage belt for discriminatory statements.Below are some of the milder statements: Term Gloss Comments Minderheid 13 Minority The term "minority" is neutral but implied here is that minorities should also be modest in their claims.They should not determine what the tone of the debate must be.Negatief 14 Negative Moroccans have a generally negative image.Slecht beeld 15 Bad image Idem Allochtoon 16 Immigrant The negative meaning arises here through reference to the title of a TV program about criminals who are identified as sought by the police.Uitzetting 17 Eviction Constant allusions to the idea that people of Moroccan descent, Dutch citizen or no, should be sent back to their thuisland 'home land', the term from the apartheid era.

Academics
Academics have been most engaged in the debate about culture versus social circumstances to explain the behaviour of delinquents of Moroccan descent.Four kinds of circumstances are often alluded to.

Term Gloss Comments Straatcultuur 18 Street culture
In academic discourse, there is often an allusion to a 'street culture' as a de-ethnicised umbrella term for modes of behaviour.Netwerken 19 Networks 'Negative peer networks' are called upon to explain delinquent behaviour.Uitsluiting 20 Exclusion Some researchers see a role for processes of exclusion and denigration to explain the behaviour involved.

Discours 21
Discourse Recent studies also point to the role that everyday narratives play in shaping the behaviour of immigrant groups and the reactions to this behaviour.

Targets of discrimination
So far, the voices of the targets of discrimination within the Moroccan Dutch community have been relatively muted.

Term Gloss Comments Onveiligheid 22
Insecurity There is a widespread feeling of insecurity and fear, given the barrage of negative comments.Angst 23 Fear Idem Racisme 24 Racism In public protests, racism and discrimination are invoked, but these claims are widely contested in the public debate.Notice that the term is used on a forum called the 'Allochtonia Republic'.Discriminatie 25 Discrimination Idem, and an appeal that discrimination can affect anyone: "We are all Moroccans".
It may well be that the debate about young people of Moroccan descent will take a different turn in the coming years, although it is hard to predict which turn this will be.Since Oudkerk made his ill-fated public remark, the number of talented artists, musicians, actors, politicians, and entrepreneurs with Moroccan backgrounds has increased dramatically, and hopefully the debate about kutmarokkanen will soon be something of the past.However, the stridency with which this term has been used, and the broad social consensus about the essential justice of the characterization, call for reflection.

Zwarte Piet
Quinsy Gario is a performance artist from the Caribbean island of Curaçao.In 2011, he initiated a protest at the annual parade where Sinterklaas (St.Nicholas) was arriving in full regalia, with a whole boatful of Zwarte Piet servants, in the ancient city of Dordrecht.Gario, who was wearing a T-shirt stating Zwarte Piet is racisme, was promptly arrested.Why were the authorities so sensitive?
St. Nicholas was bishop of Myra in southern Turkey, and he was safely buried there in 342 or 352 CE.He is revered as a kindervriend 'children's friend', and celebrations are held on his alleged birthday, December 6, in parts of north-western Europe, including the Netherlands.St. Nicholas (also known as Sinterklaas) comes with his white horse and visits all the homes, hospitals, schools, department stores, etc., and distributes presents to children, after sternly admonishing them to be goed or zoet 'sweet'.
For every Dutch child, there are two phases in growing up: the phase during which you 'believe in Sinterklaas' (in Sinterklaas gelooft), and the phase during which you are sadder but wiser, and know that this Saint on a white horse is a paid, dressed-up actor, volunteer, or uncle.Now that belief in the traditional God of the earlier period has become something of the minority only, secularized adults' wish for their children to believe in something is greater than ever.It is also interesting to see that children in families with an immigrant background also come to believe: being 'Dutch' also means having once believed in Sinterklaas.
Sometime in the early 19th century, during these celebrations, St. Nicholas (Sinterklaas) came to be accompanied by a servant (knecht) of African descent on his annual visits to Amsterdam patrician merchant homes.Recall that this was still the era of slavery (which was formally abolished in 1863), and some of the families visited by Sinterklaas and his servant probably owned slaves in far-away Surinam.In any case, the iconography of the knecht (whose name gradually came to be settled on as Zwarte Piet) was that of an African child slave, a personage that had been common in the background of portraits of rich families in previous centuries.In fact, the person playing the role of Zwarte Piet was a blackfaced young person dressed up as a child slave.Currently, Sinterklaas and Zwarte Piet are almost inseparable in their public appearances.
Up until the moment of Gario's arrest, there had always been disbelief on the part of foreign visitors about this strange habit of blackfacing, and there had been mild protests from within the Caribbean-origin community in the Netherlands.However, since Gario's arrest, there has been a debate about this issue that grows and diminishes every year as December's Sinterklaasavond (the St. Nicholas holiday) approaches or recedes again.Again, I will discuss the different voices in the Zwarte Piet debate.
The vehemence of the debate has several causes, I think.First of all, it is assumed to be perilous for the debate to be carried on openly while new generations of children are meant to believe in Sinterklaas and Zwarte Piet, which, as stated, is something urgently wished for.Secondly, Sinterklaas has become an icon of Dutch national identity at a time when national identities are being threatened or at least questioned in a time of European unification and globalization. 26interklaas and Zwarte Piet are an integral part of a nationalist narrative.Again, different voices may be heard within the debate.

Figure 2: Zwarte Piet
26 There is also resistance, for instance, against the mounting commercial pressure to introduce Santa Claus and the associated Christmas iconography.Store owners feel they can make more money at Christmas time than in early December, since in late December Christmas bonuses have been paid to people with salaries.
zwarte piet policymakers politicians general public targets academics

Policymakers
Policymakers originally tried to ease the debate, but with a view towards maintaining the tradition.Three main arguments for preserving the status quo were offered.

Term
Gloss Comments Traditie 27 Tradition The first reaction of policymakers is an appeal to tradition.As the centre-right prime minister Mark Rutte phrased it: Zwarte Piet is zwart ('Black Pete is black').
Traditions are claimed to be outside of the political arena, something 'of the people'.Cultuur 28 Culture The second reaction is an appeal to the protection of national culture.Kinderfeest 29 Children's festival A third reaction is that it is something for children, and hence not a political issue.
In trying to quash protests against Zwarte Piet (to protect children's tender souls from disillusionment), we see active attempts at censorship; trying to silence the anti-Zwarte Piet voices (see e.g.Anthonissen's (2008, 2009) discussion about censorship and self-censorship), and trying to remove a particular voice.Speaking generally, in the Netherlands, it is not voicelessness but rather a cacophony of too many voices that is the problem, but somehow the anti-Zwarte Piet protests struck a raw nerve.There is also some self-censorship: speaking out against the Zwarte Piet tradition has to be done with finesse (see below).

Politicians
Soon after 2011 there was more political debate, and some parties went along with the intent of Quinsy Gario's protest.This led to a classical left-right split, although along cultural lines rather than traditional socio-economic lines.
Term Gloss Comments Achterhaald 30 Outdated Tradition yes, but it is outdated in our modern multiethnic society.Racisme 31 Racism Yes, there is racism here.Terugkeer naar de slavernij 32 Return to slavery Sometimes the debate is framed in terms of a return to slavery.Negatieve stereotypering 33 Negative stereotyping Human right groups talk about negative stereotyping.
Sociaal probleem 34 Social issue However, it is argued to be a social issue, rather than a political one (says the leader of the leftwing Socialist Party), and hence something politics and the legal system should stay out of.Sinterklaas niet statisch 35 Sinterklaas not static Reformists have an agenda of gradually transforming Sinterklaasavond 'St.Nicholas' Eve' with a different kind of Piet, either rainbow-colored or otherwise distinguished.Zwarte Piet racistisch noemen gaat te ver. 36lling Zwarte Piet racist goes too far, but … Some social democrats want to bring the different parties in this debate together.

Academics
Academics have largely stayed away from this debate, particularly because it is thought of as sensitive.There has been a bit of work on the history of Zwarte Piet and earlier folkloric traditions.

Term
Gloss Comments Clash tussen groepen 37 Clash between groups Trying to sociologise the debate as a culture clash.Verandering (van traditie) 38 Change (of tradition) Advocates attempt to contribute to a gradual transition to a Zwarte Piet-less Sinterklaas celebration.Niet genoeg meeveranderd 39

General public
It is on social media and in discussions in the general public that the strongest debate about the presumed racism of Zwarte Piet is found.This has resulted in furious reactions directed at Quinsy Gario himself, and in a website with over 340,000 signatures affirming that Zwarte Piet moet blijven 'Zwarte Piet must stay'.

Term
Gloss Comments Graaipiet 40 No literal translation possible, but means something like 'money-grubber', but with the piet part meant as a kind of joke.Zwarte Piet throws around sweets when he visits, which children then grab and gather from the floor.Gario once dared to ask for an artist's fee when asked to perform at a cultural event.Kinderfeest 41 Children's festival Again the argument that it involves children, and so it has to remain outside the domain of public debate Klootzak van het Jaar 42

Asshole of the year
The audience of a popular radio station elected Quinsy Gario as the asshole of the year, with an overwhelming number of votes.Hitler 43 A newspaper links Gario to Mugabe and then to Hitler, because Gario had said something positive about Mugabe's policies.Again, the typical way of ending a debate in the Netherlands: returning to the ultimate fout person.Colonialism Many protesters have a Caribbean background, and view the relationship between the Netherlands and their territories of ancestral origin as colonial.Uitsluiting 48 Exclusion Dutch political debates tend to end in compromises, which feed into people's positive selfimage of being goed. 49In all likelihood, Zwarte Piet will gradually disappear from the Sinterklaas tradition over the next few years and be replaced by another figure, as more and more people shift to a perspective in which this blackface servant is seen as discriminatory.However, it is striking that this has created such a stir, and that the very idea that a blackfaced Zwarte Piet could be racist was offensive to the 'good' self-image of the majority of the Dutch.

Discrimination
I have illustrated two debates about possible discrimination in terms of the vocabulary used in these debates.This has been done against the background of the frame that, basically, the Dutch are goed, and hence do not discriminate, which allows for a sharp tone in public discourse.
As a researcher on multilingualism and language contact, I have always stressed, as have most of my colleagues, that contact between speakers is increasing, and hence multilingualism and contact-induced change is increasing too.In the multilingualism literature, this contact is viewed as positive: multilingualism research generally adopts what is now called a 'cosmopolitan' stance.
All over the world, however, nationalist or xenophobic positions are being increasingly adopted at the same time that sensitivity to racism is growing.This can be related to different factors.
One is how people generally react.It is hard to make strong claims about human nature, but it is probably fair to say that many people are automatically more comfortable with people close to and very similar to themselves than with people who are very different.In our modern world, we are increasingly confronted with people not very similar to us.A natural response is to withdraw into separate communities, and if that is not possible, to Live Together Apart (the opposite of Living Apart Together), as Bennis, Extra and Muysken (2002) tried to show in Buurt in Beweging.Proximity does not always lead to real interaction beyond the functional level; many modern cities harbour coexisting but rather separate communities.
In addition, we find that economic stress and the increasing deprivation of lower income groups in contemporary economies in both richer and poorer countries feed into xenophobia and discrimination.Again, the effects of this are seen worldwide, and are certainly not limited to the Netherlands or its neighbouring countries.These effects cannot explain everything on their own, however.
What is special about the Netherlands is the arrogance that comes with the feeling of being goed, of moral superiority; an arrogance that has blinded many otherwise reasonable people to the fact that their voicing of the issues involved in discussions about ethnicity is very discriminatory.This is all the more striking, since many of these voices of discrimination are not accompanied by real economic hardship, as in some other countries where xenophobia rages and is strengthened by economic hardship, as in Greece since the Euro crisis and in some Eastern European countries that have difficulties adjusting to the EU market forces.Assuming oneself to be goed stands in the way of self-reflection and acts as a shield of moral invincibility.
from Ambon and the surrounding islands in Indonesia around 1950) Surinamers (came from Suriname primarily in the period 1960-1975) Antillianen (came from Aruba and Curaçao, islands in the Antilles part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, over the last 50 years) Marokkanen (came particularly from northern Morocco since 1970) Turken (came particularly from Anatolian Turkey since 1970)